Can
India Tackle Global Poverty?
The processes of globalisation
that have improved the lives of
so many in recent times have not
provided the chronic poor with
opportunities and have often made
their lives more miserable. They
remain trapped in poverty. In
a lucid and thought-provoking
analysis, Prof. David Hulme talks
about chronic poverty that is
plaguing a billion people in the
bottom rung of the global pyramid,
ways and means of tackling this
syndrome and what role India can
play internationally to help mitigate
this malaise. Excerpts of the
Exim Bank Commencement Day Annual
Lecture 2007, delivered in Mumbai
recently.
Monitoring and implementation
mechanisms have been Set up in
an attempt to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals and billions
of dollars in foreign aid have
been mobilised - though not as
much as promised.
So, this brings me to the title
of my lecture-Imagining Inclusive
Globalisation: India's Role in
Tackling Global Poverty. I intend
to explore the role that India
might play in steering the process
of globalisation so that it is
more likely to improve the lives
of the world's poorest people.
I shall look at this both in India
and beyond India's national boundaries.
There is much evidence that globalisation
has, in aggregate, improved the
human condition. But globalisation
has different impacts on different
people. At the risk of oversimplification
it could be held to have three
main effects on wealth and well-being;
• It makes the rich very
rich and makes the super-rich
mega-rich
It makes a large number of people
in the middle of the global wealth
distribution better off, or likely
to become better off in the near
future, and improves their lives.
For a large group - sometimes
called the 'bottom billion' but
it may be more than that - it
has not made life better and may
have made things worse, sometimes
much worse.
How might we re-shape globalisation
so it helps, rather than hinders,
the lives of this bottom billion-
those people who are the losers
from globalisation in both relative
and absolute terms?
My task here is to explore the
possibility of a more inclusive
globalisation that reaches down
to the bottom of the pyramid,
recognising that globalisation
has both positive and negative
impacts.
The Chronic Poor - Trapped
in Poverty
Defining and measuring poverty
is a fiercely contested issue.
In recent times, there have been
significant conceptual and methodological
advances in terms of appreciating
the multidimensionality of poverty
-particularly through the work
of Amartya Sen - and in assessing
the depth of poverty. However,
time has been neglected in these
conceptualisations - indeed one
can argue it is the missing dimension
of poverty.
There are three distinct forms
that chronic poverty can take:
• Poverty that is experienced
by people for all or most of their
lives
• Poverty that is inter-generationally
transmitted -when the childhoods
that parents can create for their
children make it highly likely
that those children will become
poor adults
• Premature deaths - when
a person dies a preventable death
because of poverty.
Much of what I shall talk about
today is an elite analysis, but
we need to recognise that chronically
poor people have their own views
about their condition and have
personal agenda. A group of disabled
women in Uganda provided my colleague,
Charles Lwanga-Ntale, with a very
vivid description:
'Chronic poverty is like that
poverty that is ever present and
never ceases. It is like the rains
of the grasshopper season that
beat you consistently and for
a very long time. You become completely
soaked because you have no way
out ... some poverty passes from
one generation to another, as
if the offspring sucks it from
the mother's breast. They in turn
pass it on to their children'.
India & Chronically
Poor
We should note at least three
things :
• India is the country with
the largest number of chronically
poor people. This is a reflection
on the country's huge population
but also indicates the scale of
the challenge it faces.
Who are the Chronically Poor?
They include people who would
be classified in a census as 'economically
active' - especially casual labourers
in agriculture and construction
-and those who would be classed
as economically inactive -older
people, disabled people, young
children. At times this division
between working and dependent
poor may be useful but we do need
to note its shortcomings. Many
non-economically active poor people
are working long hours on the
margins of the informal economy
- gleaning rice or coffee after
harvest, minding orphans 24/7,
and many other jobs.
At the risk of over-generalising
about such a diverse set of people
we can identify some common characteristics.
Often, chronically poor people
are those who are discriminated
against - marginalised ethnic/religious
and cultural groups, low castes,
tribal people and nomadic people;
refugees and internally displaced
people; migrant labourers; disabled
people and those with chronic
ill-health (especially with HIV/AIDS
in Africa - but this disease is
now doing its worst in India too).
We also need to note that women
and girls have increased likelihoods
of being chronically poor and
that households that appear non-poor
can have members - daughters-in-law,
domestic servants, widows - who
are deeply deprived.
These structural factors are compounded
by household level and life cycle
factors - children and older people
are more vulnerable to extended
periods in poverty and households
headed by older people, disabled
people and children are likely
to be trapped in poverty.
There are also national geographies
to chronic poverty. The poorest
are most likely to be living in
remote areas with low agricultural
potential that are not well connected
to the national economy. Research
in several countries reveals that
chronic poverty is also an urban
phenomenon and is growing rapidly,
but we know little about the degree
to which it is concentrated in
specific areas or dispersed more
generally.
Why are they Chronically
Poor?
This is a big question that I
can only scratch the surface of
in a short time.
First amongst the maintainers
comes the quantity and quality
of economic growth. Countries
or regions with no or slow or
narrowly based economic growth
are unable to provide opportunities
for poor people to improve their
livelihoods and so many poor households
have no 'exit routes' out of poverty.
The quality of growth is as important
as the rate of growth for the
chronically poor.
Second comes social exclusion
and adverse incorporation, overlapping
but distinct ideas. Social exclusion
implies that people are trapped
in poverty because they are discriminated
against, stigmatised or invisible
to other members of the society
they live in.
The Narmada Dam
For example, the reduction in
access to land, water, and common
property resources that occurs
when poor regions are incorporated
into national and global economies
- a classic example would be those
displaced by the Narmada Dam.
This makes people dependent on
jobs as casual labourers, which
are extremely insecure. To ensure
their survival in such vulnerable
circumstances, poor people have
to develop relationships with
patrons and to 'stay secure' they
enter into contracts that ensure
they 'stay poor'.
Tackling Chronic Poverty
in India
So, how can chronic poverty be
tackled? Rather than doing this
in general terms I focus on India.
The first section looks at what
can be done in India. The second
looks at a question that I think
has been neglected - what role
might India play in helping the
poorest outside of India?
To explore policies for tackling
chronic poverty in India I use
a simple framework from the World
Bank's World Development Report
2000/ 2001. It identifies three
fronts on which poverty must be
battled.
• Opportunity (economic growth
and employment)
• Empowerment (rights and
democracy)
• Security (social support,
social protection, law and order)
These three elements are closely
interlinked and progress with
any one of them is likely to be
beneficial for the others. There
is the image of a three legged
stool - for the stool to work
you have to have all three legs!
The Report says that these three
elements need to be treated in
a non-hierarchal way, each is
as important as the other.
I have concluded that while having
no hierarchy may be an effective
strategy for the moderately and
transitorily poor, it is not optimal
for the chronic poor. To assist
people trapped in poverty we need
a livelihood security first approach.
Why? Because before most chronically
poor people can think seriously
about taking the risk of seizing
new opportunities - changing employment,
shifting to horticulture, borrowing
the money to migrate to Mumbai
- they need to know that they
have the security to cope if things
go wrong with their new strategy.
In concrete policy terms this
means public investment in social
protection policies so that chronically
poor people can think about seizing
opportunities with a reduced risk
of ending up destitute or excessively
indebted.
Opportunity - India's
Bold Step
In recent years the Government
of India has taken a bold step
in this direction with the National
Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
(NREGS) to help stabilise the
incomes of the rural poorest and
ensure they have a fall back position
if their household strategies
fail. This promises the rural
poor up to 100 days labour on
public works per annum.
Empowerment
This takes us to the next leg
of our three-legged stool. The
World Bank calls this empowerment
- enhancing the capacity of the
poorest to demand that state institutions,
and the private sector deliver
the services they are supposed
to deliver and do not exploit
the poor through corruption or
sub-standard services; and, strengthening
the rule of law and order.
Economic Growth
And now to the third leg - economic
opportunity. Economic growth is
essential for concerted poverty
reduction but that does not mean
that all growth is good for the
poor, as Dollar and Kraay of the
World Bank erroneously announced
some years ago. This is especially
the case for the poorest. For
growth to benefit them policies
are needed to match the capabilities
of the chronically poor to the
forms of opportunity that are
opened up by globalisation induced
growth.
Redistribution
A neglected aspect of the opportunity
component concerns redistribution.
There is both theoretical and
empirical evidence that rates
of economic growth and poverty
reduction are higher in less unequal
societies - South Korea, Taiwan
and Japan are the outstanding
historical examples. At the macro-level
this means progressive taxation,
both personal and business.
Tackling Global Poverty: What
can India do?
The argument could be made that
as India has so much poverty of
its own, it should not engage
with reducing poverty outside
of India until it has virtually
eradicated domestic poverty. I
can sympathize with this point
but I would counter it with the
argument that these circumstances
do not mean that India should
totally abandon the idea of helping
poor people beyond its border.
Rather, it should place a vastly
lower weighting on this goal compared
to the goal of national poverty
eradication.
In a small number of countries
- Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway,
Sweden, and very recently the
UK - a moral vision now dominates
development cooperation. In other
countries - for example, France,
Japan and the USA - such moral
visions have made slower progress.
First, if one compares India with
China, India is a democracy and
so there is political space for
its citizens to attempt to influence
policy. That's a start. Second,
if one compares India with the
USA, it has a political culture
that envisages a significant role
for the state in securing the
welfare of its citizens - this
is a key determinant of 'moral
vision'. Third, India has been
and is a global intellectual leader
in conceptualising poverty and
poverty reduction (ranging from
Mahatma Gandhi's non-materialist
philosophy, to V.M. Dandekar's
pioneering approach to poverty
measurement, to Ravi Kanbur's
influential academic and policy
work on poverty reduction and,
last but not least, to Amartya
Sen's Nobel Prize winning work
on human capabilities).
Fourth, India is full of 'social
entrepreneurs', many of whom Exim
Bank is starting to work with.
Some are known internationally
but thousands of others are quietly
getting on with making their local
area a better place for poor people.
Fifth, India has played a pivotal
role in the Non-Aligned Movement,
seeking to achieve a better deal
for Third World countries in relation
to the Cold War superpowers and
had the moral vision to take a
global lead in the fight against
apartheid.
India's Status & Image
Finally, India will need to think
carefully about its image and
status in an emerging global society.
It is not difficult to identify
fields where India could seek
to build on its comparative advantage
in this social enterprise.
Strengthening the technical capacity
of African countries to collect
data on poverty and analyse it.
• Offering incentives to
its pharmaceutical companies to
develop low cost medicines for
tropical diseases.
• Establishing world class
technical institutions in Africa
to create a generation of African
IT specialists, genetic engineers
and others who can link Africa
to global technical advances.
• If the NREGS 'works' India
could experiment with the transfer
of this model to other countries.
Can India be a 'Social
Superpower'?
Globalisation has helped tens
of millions to escape poverty
in recent years but there are
still hundreds of millions trapped
in poverty who have seen no benefits.
In some cases, poor people's lives
have been damaged by globalisation.
Between one-third and one-half
of these chronically poor people
live in India. While many of the
country's economic and social
policies have helped reduce national
poverty rates there are deep problems
in reaching the poorest people
in poorly-performing states and
reaching disadvantaged social
groups.
To conclude - it seems almost
certain that India will be an
economic superpower by the middle
of the 21st century. Its people
now have the chance to ensure
it becomes a social superpower
by that time - but, have they
got the moral imagination to push
that goal forward?